How Trump Achieved a Major Step in the Middle East Yet Faces Challenges Regarding Putin Concerning the Ukraine Conflict
Accounts of an impending American-Russian leadership meeting have been overstated, it seems.
Only a few days after President Trump said he intended to confer with Russia's leader Vladimir Putin in the Hungarian capital - "within two weeks or so" - the high-level talks has been put off without a new date.
A initial get-together by the two nations' leading diplomats has been called off, as well.
"I prefer not to have a wasted meeting," President Trump informed reporters at the executive mansion on Tuesday afternoon. "I aim to avoid a waste of time, so I will observe what happens."
- Trump states he wished to avoid a 'unproductive session' after plan for negotiations with Putin postponed
- Disappointment in Kyiv as President Zelensky departs White House empty-handed
The frequently changing summit is another twist in the president's efforts to mediate an end to hostilities in the Eastern European nation – a subject of increased attention for the American leader after he orchestrated a ceasefire and prisoner exchange deal in the Palestinian territory.
While making remarks in Egypt recently to commemorate that truce deal, Trump turned to Steve Witkoff, with a new request.
"We have to get the Russian situation done," he declared.
However, the circumstances that converged to make a Gaza breakthrough achievable for Witkoff and his team may be challenging to duplicate in a conflict in Ukraine that has been raging for almost several years.
Reduced Influence
According to the lead negotiator, the crucial element to achieving a agreement was Israel's move to strike representatives of Hamas in Qatar. It was a move that angered US partners in the Arab world but provided Trump bargaining power to compel Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu into making a deal.
Trump benefited from a history of supporting Israel dating back to his first term, including his choice to relocate the US embassy to the contested city, to alter US policy on the legality of Jewish communities in the West Bank and, more recently, his backing for Israel's military campaign against the Islamic Republic.
The American leader, in fact, is more popular among the Israeli public than Netanyahu – a position that provided him with unique influence over the nation's head.
Combine Trump's political and economic ties to influential Arab nations in the region, and he had a wealth of diplomatic muscle to secure an agreement.
In the Ukraine war, by contrast, Trump has much less influence. In recent months, he has swung between attempts to pressure Putin and then the Ukrainian leader, all with minimal visible progress.
The US leader has threatened to impose new sanctions on Russia's oil and gas sales and to provide the Ukrainian forces with advanced missile systems. But he has also acknowledged that such actions could harm the global economy and further escalate the conflict.
At the same time, the US leader has criticized openly Zelensky, halting briefly information exchange with the country and pausing weapon deliveries to the country - then to back off in the face of concerned European allies who warn a Ukrainian collapse could disrupt the whole area.
Trump loves to tout his ability to meet and negotiate deals, but his face-to-face meetings with the Russian and Ukrainian leaders haven't seemed to advance the hostilities any closer to a peaceful end.
Putin may actually be exploiting the US leader's wish for a deal – and belief in direct negotiations - as a method of influencing him.
In July, Russia's leader agreed to a summit in Alaska at the time when it seemed probable that Trump would approve on congressional sanctions package supported by GOP senators. That bill was subsequently put on hold.
Last week, as news emerged that the US administration was seriously contemplating shipping Tomahawk cruise missiles and air defense systems to Ukraine, the president of Russia phoned Trump who then touted the possible meeting in Hungary.
The following day, Trump welcomed Ukraine's leader at the executive residence, but left without agreements after a allegedly strained discussion.
The US leader insisted that he was not being played by the Russian president.
"You know, I've been played all my life by skilled operators, and I came out really well," he remarked.
However the president of Ukraine subsequently commented on the sequence of events.
"As soon as the matter of long-range mobility became a little further away for Ukraine – for Ukraine – the Russian side quickly became less engaged in negotiations," he stated.
Thus, in a short period, Trump has bounced from considering the idea of providing weapons to Ukraine to organizing a meeting in Hungary with Putin and confidentially urging Zelensky to surrender all of Donbas – even land Russian forces has been failed to capture.
He has finally settled on calling for a ceasefire along present frontlines – something Russia has refused to accept.
On the campaign trail last year, Trump vowed that he could end the Ukraine war in a matter of hours. He has since discarded that commitment, admitting that ending the war is turning out harder than he expected.
It has been a uncommon admission of the limits of his power – and the challenge of finding a peace plan when neither side desires, or is able to, give up the fight.